有人聊天聊到賭吃屎
當然是坐看他會不會吃就好了

對賭?我又不是傻了

會被抗議到暴
那邊本來就常常不順了

我覺得是大雄的預估獲利少70億
1/3個SOGO一年賺不到2億，一點都不多

開發損失也可以是指開發案損失
就好像停工損失，有些人就會把預期收益算進去

他之前就不肯改設計阿
現在只砍打槍說安全性沒問題

沒有按圖施工被抓到的，要贏很拼啦
大雄如果有信心，停工損失能要回來，幹麻拼復工

我還以爲你是大雄蛔蟲，那不到十個月也是你夢到？不然人家啥時說過復工後不到十月可完工

http://www.ettoday.net/news/20160623/721968.htm
http://www.ettoday.net/news/20160705/729557.htm

你準備好吃屎了嗎?

十元買早餐，八元買豆干…

又要出場了嗎？

A大趕快回來…

聽說大雄有去找A大…我聽說鬼扯的喔…沒查證…這句亂講的…別當真喔…

半年前的新聞你也好意思拿出來，那時狀況跟現在送台建的東西一樣？

那我可以說如果草包沒當市長，大巨蛋去年這時候早已完工，再照之前遠雄多次展延工期紀錄，如果要對賭，那你屎可能會吃到草包市長下台

這作古的新聞看一下，真慶幸你沒對賭，否則我還不敢看你吃，2019？

遠雄再提展延　大巨蛋完工拖至2019年？

還有，你以爲遠雄退讓是因爲沒按圖施工怕萬一解約要打官司會輸，哈，現在才是好戲

看著吧，草包市長任期多久，遠雄就玩多久，玩到他生不如死，我要是你就勸他別連任，安全下莊才是上策

L大還在…

現在要幫市府是可以的…
我真的勸市府不要玩下去…

該受承罰的是跳針王，市府沒有理由跳下來玩。

柯文哲，你不去找這件事的始作俑者。怎麼還跳下來玩這手…你執政得能力真的是有問題的。

當年的小蔣，可沒有去找人翻舊帳，人家可是毅然決然往前推動的十大建設。
趕快去做正確的事。將來才真的不會後悔。

好啦，沒關係
大家聊的開心就好不一定要有共識
反正這一串一直有更新

與其誰都說服不了對方浪費口水
不如等到大雄復工再來繼續聊

好久沒看到有人賭吃屎了
你要是真的吃的話，最好附一張圖證明自己是真男人
頭版沒辦法，社會版頭條應該有機會


當年的小蔣，沒有去翻舊帳，允許一些阿貓阿狗掌權錢
所以兩代公務員致富傳奇紅了十幾年
所以一堆當年圍在他身邊反共的人現在投共

不過小蔣弄了一些建設，啟用在地人才
繼承人又選得不錯
對台灣算是功大於過
比老蔣好很多
可惜核彈沒搞成，隔天心臟病發掛了
不然現在的KMT應該是另一翻氣象

沒有小蔣的KMT，把在大陸那套搬過來，再次遭到淘汰的命運
[YOUTUBE]EsoTQZ4wKNw[/YOUTUBE]

我聊的很開心啊，只是找不到人對賭很藍瘦

其實9/8 那個草包就該解約，可惜沒LP，否則別說連任，2020 都可以選總統，和遠雄解約就可以讓他在每場政見會講好久講到滿

你的國文還真的不太好…


[YOUTUBE]PzRg--jhO8g[/YOUTUBE]
and so my fellow of american , ask not what the country can do for you , ask what you can do for your country .
my fellow , citizen of the world , ask not what american can do for you , but what together we can do for the freedom of men .

所以，我親愛的美國人，不要問你的國家能為你做什麼，問你能為你的國家做什麼。我親愛的世界人民，不要問美國能為你做什麼，問我們大家能為人類的自由做什麼。

==================================
讓你們上一下民主課…

[YOUTUBE]rv5t6rC6yvg[/YOUTUBE]

Mr. Hughes:
There is no doubt that the Prime Minister, in many ways, has achieved substantial success. There is one statistic, however, that I understand is not challenged, and that is that, during her 11 years as Prime Minister, the gap between the richest 10 per cent. and the poorest 10 per cent. in this country has widened substantially. At the end of her chapter of British politics, how can she say that she can justify the fact that many people in a constituency such as mine are relatively much poorer, much less well housed and much less well provided for than they were in 1979? Surely she accepts that that is not a record that she or any Prime Minister can be proud of.
毫無疑問，總理在許多方面取得了巨大的成功。然而，有一個統計數據，據我的理解仍未被挑戰，那就是，在她十一年作為總理期間，最富有的十％及和最貧窮的10％之間的差距，在這個國家已大幅擴大。在她的英國政治之章的結尾，她怎麼能說她可以證明這樣的事實，即在我這樣的選區中的許多人比一九七九年相對地更貧窮且被提供更稀少的良善住房條件？

The Prime Minister:
People on all levels of income are better off than they were in 1979. The hon. Gentleman is saying that he would rather that the poor were poorer, provided that the rich were less rich. That way one will never create the wealth for better social services, as we have. What a policy. Yes, he would rather have the poor poorer, provided that the rich were less rich. That is the Liberal policy.
所有收入水平的人都比他們在1979年更好。 這位先生說，他寧願窮人更窮，只要富人不那麼富有。 這樣，人永遠無法和我們一樣，創造財富使其為社會服務。 這是什麼狗屁政策。 是的，他寧願窮人更窮，只要富人不那麼富有。 這就是自由黨的政策。

Mr. Hughes:
No.
不是吧。

Yes, it came out. The hon. Member did not intend it to, but it did.
確實，這現象出現了。雖然與會成員並沒企圖讓這現象出現，但它自已出現了。

Mr. Sillars:
The Prime Minister is aware that I detest every single one of her domestic policies, and I have never hidden that fact. [Interruption.]
總理知道我譴責她每一個國內政策，我從來沒有隱藏過這個事實。 [中斷。]

The Prime Minister:
I think that the hon. Gentleman knows that I have the same contempt for his socialist policies as the people of east Europe, who have experienced them, have for theirs. I think that I must have hit the right nail on the head when I pointed out that the logic of those policies is that they would rather the poor were poorer. Once they start to talk about the gap, they would rather that the gap were that—[indicating]—down here, not this—[indicating]—but—[indicating.] So long as the gap is smaller, they would rather have the poor poorer. One does not create wealth and opportunity that way. One does not create a property-owning democracy that way.
我認為眾所階知，我同樣蔑視他那效仿東歐人民曾有過；且在他們自已身上做過實驗的社會主義政策。我認為，當我指出這些政策的邏輯是他們寧願窮人更貧窮時，我必須在他的頭上撮我的右指。一旦他們開始談論這個差距，他們寧願這個差距是 - 從這裡【指示貧富差距的起始門檻從高】 ，降到這。而非從這裡，到這裡【指示貧富差距的實際縮小】。 只要差距更小，他們寧願窮人更窮。 然而一個人不以這種方式創造財富和機會。 一個人不會這樣創造一個財產所有制的民主。

Mr. Alan Beith (Berwick-upon-Tweed):
Will the Prime Minister tell us whether she intends to continue her personal fight against a single currency and an independent central bank when she leaves office?
總理能否告訴我們，她是否打算在離職時繼續個人對抗一個單一的貨幣和一個獨立的中央銀行？

Mr. Dennis Skinner (Bolsover):
No. She is going to be the governor. [Laughter.]
不，她將成為總長。

眾人長笑…………………………………………

Mr. Speaker:
Order.

The Prime Minister:
What a good idea. I had not thought of that. But if I were, there would be no European central bank accountable to no one, least of all national Parliaments. The point of that kind of Europe with a central bank is no democracy, taking powers away from every single Parliament, and having a single currency, a monetary policy and interest rates which take all political power away from us. As my right hon. Friend the Member for Blaby (Mr. Lawson ) said in his first speech after the proposal for a single currency was made, a single currency is about the politics of Europe, it is about a federal Europe by the back door. So I shall consider the proposal of the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner ). Now where were we? I am enjoying this.
真是個好主意。 我沒有想到這一點。 但如果我還在，歐洲中央銀行將無法向任何一個人計帳，至少這樣的銀行還得對所有國家議會負責。 這種歐洲與中央銀行的關係不是民主，而是把權力從每一個議會奪走，而擁有一種單一貨幣及一種唯一的貨幣政策和利率，將使所有政治權力遠離我們。 依據我的權利，這位先生在提出單一貨幣的提議後的第一次演講中說，單一貨幣是關於歐洲的政治，因為這是一個通往聯邦歐洲後門【大罩門】。 因此，我會考慮議員的建議。 現在我們在哪裡？ 我喜歡這個。 【諷刺通往歐洲統一的方便後門，便是通往英國統一全歐洲的大罩門】

眾人嘲笑…………………………………………

Mr. Michael Carttiss (Great Yarmouth):
Cancel it. You can wipe the floor with these people.
取消它。 你可以用這些人擦拭地板。



Yes, our companies have the freedom and talent to succeed, and the will to compete. And compete we must. Our competitors will not be taking a break. There must be no hankering after soft options and no going back to the disastrous economic policies of Labour Governments. No amount of distance lends enchantment to the lean years of Labour, which gave us the lowest growth rate in Europe, the highest strike record and, for the average family, virtually no increase in take-home pay. Labour's policies are a vote of no confidence in the ability of British people to manage their own affairs. We have that confidence. Confidence in freedom and confidence in enterprise. That is what divides Conservatives from socialists.
Our stewardship of the public finances has been better than that of any Government for nearly 50 years. It has enabled us to repay debt and cut taxes. The resulting success of the private sector has generated the wealth and revenues which pay for better social services—to double the amount being spent to help the disabled, to give extra help to war widows, and vastly to increase spending on the national health service. More than 1 million more patients are being treated each year and there are 8,000 more doctors and 53,000 more nurses to treat them.

是的，我們的公司有自由和天賦成功，以及競爭的意志。以向我們必須面對的困難競爭。我們的競爭對手不會休息。在採取了較軟性的選項之後，便不能再有任何奢望能回到工黨政府的災難性經濟政策。崇高理想的無止境距離為勞工的貧困歲月帶來了魔力，這給了我們歐洲最低的增長率，最高的記錄。對於一般家庭，幾乎沒有增加領取工資。現有的勞工政策正是對英國人民管理自己事務的能力所投下的不信任的票。而我們有這種信心。我們對企業有信心，我們對自由有信心。這就是保守主義者與社會主義者的區別。

我們對公共財政的管理比任何政府的管理更好，近五十年來。它使我們能夠償還債務和減稅。私營部門取得的成功產生了財富和收入，這些財富和收入支付更好的社會服務 - 使幫助殘疾人的金額增加一倍，給戰爭寡婦提供額外幫助，並大大增加對國家衛生服務的支出。每年有超過一百萬名患者接受治療，還有八千名醫生和五十三萬名護士待名去治療病患。